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    Home»Literary World»BLOOD ON THE BENUE: WEEPING FOR BELEAGURED NIGERIA
    Literary World

    BLOOD ON THE BENUE: WEEPING FOR BELEAGURED NIGERIA

    HumsiBy HumsiJune 21, 2025No Comments20 Mins Read
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    BY PROF MIKE OZEKHOME, SAN, CON , OFR, FCIARB, LL.D

    Page 1 of 1

    INTRODUCTION

    Yelwata in Benue state has been drenched in blood. Last October, I launched 50 books at the same time in Abuja to mark my birthday. One of the books is titled “Blood on the Niger and Benue: Nigeria’s Grim Insecurity Situation”.

    Everything said in that book has just bee reenacted in Yelwata, Benue State.
    In the quiet hours of Friday night, June 13, 2025, the farming village of Yelwata
    in Guma Local Government Area of Benue State lay cloaked in the familiar
    darkness of rural Nigeria. There was no forewarning, no alarm. Only sleep.
    Then, like a storm without thunder, horror descended.

    Armed men, suspected to be killer Fulani terrorist herders, emerged from the
    shadows and set upon the defenceless community with brutal precision. For
    more than two hours, they maimed, slaughtered, burned and razed.

    By the time the sun rose on Saturday morning, the landscape had transformed into a grotesque tapestry of charred ruins, still-smouldering debris and lifeless bodies sprawled across crimson soil.

    Over 200 people were reportedly
    confirmed dead at the scene and the toll would rise in the days that followed,
    with some reports placing the number of victims at over 300.

    Among the dead were children, pregnant women and elderly farmers, civilians caught in the indiscriminate cruelty of a calculated massacre. I most unequivocally condemn this horror, this man’s inhumanity to man. It must never happen again. NEVER!

    Page 2 of 2

    Witnesses recounted how petrol was doused on thatched homes before they
    were set ablaze. Whole families perished in their sleep, trapped by flames and
    collapsing roofs. The night echoed with the crackling of the burning and the
    screams of the wounded and the orphaned. Survivors stumbled through the darkness, scorched and bleeding, in search of refuge.

    At the Benue State University Teaching Hospital in Makurdi, doctors worked frantically, overwhelmed by the influx of casualties. Medical personnel issued urgent calls for blood donations as the wards filled with the critically injured, many clinging to life with little more than hope.

    In a land where yam festivals should flourish, the earth has instead flourished
    with drunk blood. A serene and prosperous village, producing large quantity of food is now a ghost community, no thanks to deadly attacks by killer herdsmen, who pose as innocent cattle rearers.

    A PEOPLE LEFT FOR DEAD: THE HUMAN TOLL

    What occurred in Yelwata cannot be dismissed as a “clash,” nor cloaked in the
    diplomatic cowardice of euphemisms that seek to sanitize horror. This was
    not a skirmish. It was not a misunderstanding. It was a massacre!

    A premeditated act of mass violence, executed with recklessness and impunity
    against a defenceless civilian population, in total defiance of laws and moral
    conscience. The people of Yelwata have become mourners in their own
    homeland, dressed in black, forever gathering the bones of the innocent.

    The village has been painted over with the sorrow of the grieving and the
    brushstrokes of trauma.
    Among the victims was the family of Michael Ajah, a survivor now left hollowed by grief.

    Page 3 of 3

    Ajah lost twenty members of his family in a single night! Eeven perished in one house. Eight were killed in another. The others died in the chaos, scattered across a village that now exists only in ashes. His stores were burnt. His home was destroyed.

    Standing barefoot in the ruins, he
    described how he escaped only with the clothes on his back. “This is the only
    thing that I have now,” he said. “There is nothing else with me.” Bature
    Bartholomew, Joseph Kwagh and countless others suffered a similar fate.

    Apparently, prior threats had been made, as they often are, but villagers had
    grown used to such messages. The community had seen warnings before.
    And in the past, some security forces had pushed back similar threats. The
    villagers believed it would be the same this time.

    They likened it to the story of
    the crying wolf. They were wrong.
    Let the world hear it: The peaceful people of Yelwata were not victims of
    chance. They were targeted. They were hunted. And they were massacred.

    DEAFENING SILENCE AND DEADLY INACTION BY GOVERNMENT

    The massacre in Yelwata is not just a story of blood and loss. It is a harrowing
    indictment of leadership failure, systemic neglect and institutional cowardice. In the face of rising tensions and repeated warnings, those entrusted with the security of Benue State and Nigeria at large chose silence. Security forces knew the fragility of peace in Yelwata.

    They were not blind to the pattern.
    From Guma to Agatu, Logo to Turan, the script has played out over and over:
    villages burnt, families erased, justice deferred. Yet, no preventive measures
    were taken. No fortified presence. No aerial surveillance. Only the eerie
    stillness of a nation too used to the scent of scorched earth.

    Page 4 of 4

    When the killers struck again, it was not a surprise. It was an inevitability made
    possible by deafening silence and deadly inaction. The people of Benue have
    cried themselves hoarse, year after year, massacre after massacre. But their
    grief has been met with bureaucratic apathy and public relations condolences.

    Governor Hyacinth Alia’s response to the massacre was not merely inadequate; it was an affront. His delay in visiting the scene, his refusal to speak, tweet, or even mourn publicly until after President Tinubu’s very belated visit, has been interpreted not just as incompetence but as possible complicity.

    In the face of over 200 dead, the Governor offered the nation a figure of 59, thus minimizing the scale of bloodshed and insulting the graves of
    the murdered. What even if it were one? Instead of naming the perpetrators,
    he set up an investigative panel that tactfully avoided attributing blame, as if
    the truth was inconvenient, as if justice might provoke too much discomfort.

    When President Tinubu finally arrived in Benue, the expectations of a grieving
    people were clear: solidarity, seriousness, swift action and restitution. What they received instead was a grotesque display of political theatre.

    Placards bearing the President’s image lined the roads. Schoolchildren, soaked and shivering, were forced to line the streets under a heavy downpour, waving
    soggy banners while mass graves still steamed in the earth nearby. What
    should have been a moment of solemnity turned into an unofficial 2027 re-election rally, a tasteless spectacle that traded the blood of Yelwata for photo ops. This was not condolence. This was campaign optics.

    This playbook is not new. On New Year’s Day in 2017, over 200 people were
    slaughtered in Benue for resisting the destruction of their crops by cattle. On
    December 25th, 2024, as Christians marked the birth of Jesus Christ,
    suspected armed herders invaded Ityuluv, Tse Azege and Innyiev Ya in
    Kwande Local Government, killing eleven people mid-celebration.

    Page 5 of 5

    The images are consistent: corpses laid out under church roofs, burning homes, the wails of mothers who will never again hold their children. Yet from the corridors of power, the same recycled rhetoric flows: “We condemn,” “We are
    investigating,” “We urge calm.” But no arrests. No convictions. No justice. Just
    the thud of fresh bodies hitting the ground.

    Even the words of comfort are now hollow. President Tinubu’s lamentations,
    “Enough is enough… perpetrators must be arrested… communities must
    dialogue”, ring with irony. Dialogue with whom? With the men who crept
    through the rain to burn babies alive? With those who hacked entire bloodlines
    to death because they were asked not to graze on people’s farmland?

    Dialogue implies equal grievance. This is not war. This is terrorism. Pure and
    simple. And to place dialogue and reconciliation above accountability is to
    trample on the memory of the dead.

    Dr. Daudu Ayu of Yelwata captured the fury of a betrayed people when he
    denounced the President’s framing of the massacre as a “conflict between
    warring communities.” There is no parity here. The Fulani attackers were not
    defending; they were invading. Their aim was clear: seize ancestral lands,
    decimate indigenous populations and spread fear as a weapon of conquest.

    To reduce this to “herder-farmer clashes” is to excuse genocide with
    semantics. The numbers are staggering. Since 2009, Nigeria has lost millions of lives to insurgency and herder-farmer violence. Benue alone has absorbed blow after blow, turning its farmlands into open graveyards.

    The government’s failure to act, its refusal to label this terrorism for what it is, has emboldened the killers.
    Why would they stop when they face no consequence? Why retreat when their
    path is cleared by political hesitation and legal paralysis?

    Page 6 of 6

    President Tinubu’s muted outrage and calculated ambiguity do not typify
    exemplary leadership. They are avoidance wrapped in grammar. His failure to draw a red line, to name the aggressors, to galvanize decisive military action, makes his ambition for a second term in 2027 more than politically distasteful; it makes it morally flawed.

    How do you govern the living if you preside over the slaughter of the forgotten? Each delayed response, each muted condemnation, adds one more body to the pile. For years, as statistics ballooned into genocidal proportions, the
    government sermonized from podiums while the fields of Benue ran red.

    This latest atrocity in Yelwata is not the beginning of the story, but it must be the
    final warning. Because if Nigeria cannot protect its citizens, if the Constitution’s promise of security and welfare is conditional on tribe, location,
    or silence, then it is not a nation; it is a lie, a scam.

    Enough, please. Condolences do not resurrect the dead. Nor do photo-ops
    rebuild homes. The people of Yelwata need more than pity; they demand
    justice. And if this government cannot deliver it, then it must step aside for one
    that will. The land of yams is now the land of tombs. And history will
    remember who stood up and who stood back while it all burned.

    TERROR HAS A NAME! CALL IT BY ITS NAME!!

    According to Fr. Remigius Ihyula, a long-time witness to these cycles of
    violence and trauma in Benue State, this is a coordinated effort to wipe
    indigenous Christian communities off the map. “These Fulani militias are not
    just killing, they’re clearing land to claim it,” he stated in what should have been a national alarm bell. “And they’re being allowed to do it.”

    The silence that follows such clarity is complicity. These attackers do not
    crawl out of caves. They cross state lines. Emboldened, equipped and
    unchallenged. From neighboring Nasarawa. Armed groups are said to find
    safe haven in Lafia, the state capital; yet successive Nasarawa governors
    have refused to act. Not out of ignorance, but from calculation.

    What kind of leadership turns its face away while death marches across its borders in open daylight? What kind of democracy tolerates this level of carnage and calls itself whole?

    And when the few voices brave enough to speak the truth rise, they are met
    with digital disinformation and diversion. Fr. Ihyula has strongly condemned
    attempts to scapegoat the Tiv people, refuting online rumors that Tiv militias
    orchestrated the massacre.

    “There were no Tiv fighters involved,” he said. “This is a deliberate attempt to muddy the truth and shield the real
    perpetrators.” In a country already fracturing under the weight of ethno-
    religious mistrust, such deflections are more than cowardly. They are dangerous.

    David Onyillokwu Idah of the International Human Rights Commission gave name to what many have been too afraid to utter. “This is what the Nazis did
    to the Jews,” he warned. “It’s ethnic cleansing, step by step. First, they
    displace them. Then they come back and finish the job.”

    This is not sensationalism. It is a fact pattern. Entire villages emptied. Men and women slaughtered. Children hacked to pieces. Homes razed. Crops destroyed. Entire communities transformed into ghost towns with only ashes left to speak.

    And where is the State? Where is the machinery of justice, the constitutional
    promise of safety, dignity and equal protection? Every law in Nigeria, beginning with the Constitution, affirms that the right to life is sacred. That the state has an inviolable duty to protect it. Yet in Yelwata, life was treated like expendable surplus.

    Background casualty in the theater of statecraft. Amnesty International has catalogued the horrors, calling attention to the government’s complete failure to stem the tide of violence. “Gunmen have been on a killing spree with utter impunity,” it reported, warning that the mass displacement of farmers would have ripple effects on food security and economic stability.

    Their statement, clinical yet urgent, highlighted not only a humanitarian
    disaster but also the erosion of constitutional order. “Without immediate
    action, many more lives may be lost.” The question is: does the government
    intend to act, or merely wait until there are no more villages left to bury?

    POLICY OR HUMANITY FAILURE

    What occurred in Yelwata is not only a breach of human dignity. It is a breach
    of law, of the very fabric that claims to hold Nigeria together. These are not
    mere attacks; they are crimes against humanity. Under international law,
    under the Rome Statute to which Nigeria is a signatory, a systematic attack
    directed against a civilian population qualifies as such.

    Ethnic cleansing, political protection of armed militias and the use of displacement as a weapon, all point towards a dangerous descent Nigeria cannot afford. This is not just Yelwata’s burden. This is a national stain.

    The issue is no longer one of mere policy failure. It is a test of our collective
    humanity. It is the measure of whether we, as a people, as a nation under law,
    believe rural Nigerian lives matter. Because every time a tactical unit is
    deployed after the massacre, every time officials show up after the mass
    burial, every time condolences are uttered while killers remain nameless and free—it tells the people of Yelwata that their blood is cheap.

    Page 9 of 9

    That their lives are expendable. That they are alone. But the Constitution says otherwise. Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), declares the security and welfare of the people to be the primary purpose of government.

    Section 33 guarantees the right to life. Section 34 guarantees the right to dignity. Yet in the fields of Yelwata, once alive with farming, festivals and laughter, there is now only ash, silence and death. These rights, on paper, are being buried
    beside the people they were meant to protect.

    If Nigeria still believes in its own laws, in its own humanity, then Yelwata must
    not be forgotten. Their stories must outlive the silence. Their names must
    echo louder than the rain that hid the footsteps of their killers.
    This is no longer a rural crisis. It is a national reckoning. And history is already watching.

    FROM CRIES TO JUSTICE: WHAT MUST NOW BE DONE

    The carnage in Yelwata, like so many before it, leaves behind more than
    scorched homes and mass graves. It leaves a nation at a crossroads. In the
    place of swift justice, we have seen a cycle of condolences without
    consequence. In the place of leadership, we have seen silence, sluggishness
    and in some quarters, chilling complicity.

    And so, once again, a grieving people
    are left to ask: must our cries be louder than gunfire before we are heard?
    Must the soil drink more blood before the state will act? The Northern Senators Forum, in a rare and firm voice, echoed the frustration of a people brutalized beyond measure.

    Chairing the statement, Senator
    Abdulaziz Musa Yar’adua called upon President Tinubu to ensure that his visit
    to the ashes of Yelwata would not dissolve into a photo-op footnote.

    Page 10 of 10

    “What the people of Benue and indeed all Nigerians, deserve is lasting protection, not repeated mourning.” In a nation where impunity now travels in convoys, that statement carries the weight of a challenge, not a courtesy. But lip service will no longer suffice. Nigerians are not beggars at the gate of justice.

    They are constitutional citizens entitled to life, dignity and safety. Yet
    these rights have been violated repeatedly in Benue State, a region that has endured more than its fair share of bloodletting. Rural communities have
    become theatres of unrelenting terror.

    Ungoverned spaces stalked by militias,
    abandoned by the State and forgotten by a government too slow to respond,
    too quick to excuse. Yelwata is but a metaphor of what goes on across the
    length and breadth of Nigeria.

    This moment demands more than mourning. It demands reckoning. The
    Constitution empowers the President to declare a state of emergency where
    there is a serious breakdown of public order and a clear and present danger is
    presented.

    That threshold has long been crossed. As Sir Ifeanyi Ejiofor, Esq, rightly noted, what we are witnessing is not communal misunderstanding. It is a transnational siege. Militants from across the Cameroon border continue to
    pour in, slaughtering with impunity, while the federal and state governments
    grope in the dark of denial.

    And where was the governor, the supposed shepherd of the people? Governor Hyacinth Alia, elected to protect lives, stood muted while bodies were piled. The faint whisper of his voice came days after, long after the wails of the bereaved had risen to the heavens, long after Pope Leo XIV. It is not enough to wear a cassock; one must wield courage. It is not enough to call for prayer; one must demand justice. And if political office now weighs
    heavier than his conscience can bear, perhaps the pulpit is where he truly belongs. The hood does not make the monk after all.

    Page 11 of 11

    RECOMMENDATIONS

    1.Immediate Deployment of Adequate Security Forces

    The first and immediate line of intervention must be the swift
    deployment of sufficient, well-trained and fully-equipped security personnel to the affected communities. But this cannot be business as usual. Our military and other security agencies must stop
    operating in separated silos. What we need is joint intelligence
    gathering, joint operations and joint accountability. Anything less is a
    betrayal of the people already left exposed and bleeding.

    2.Declaration of a State of Emergency in the Affected Areas

    The Federal Government must now invoke its constitutional mandate
    under Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution to declare a targeted
    State of Emergency in the devastated areas. This should not be done
    as a mere political gimmick like in Rivers State but as a constitutional
    necessity. Such a declaration would allow for a unified, coordinated
    and rapid security response, free from the red tape that has too often
    cost lives. It would restore public order, unlock emergency relief and
    send a powerful message, not just to the perpetrators, but to the
    bereaved that Nigeria has not entirely lost its soul.

    Page 12 of 12

    3.Establishment of a Judicial Commission of Inquiry

    A robust, truly independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry must be
    established to thoroughly investigate these atrocities. It must dig
    deep; not just into who pulled the triggers, but into who enabled
    them, who funded them, who looked away. Justice must be more
    than ceremonial. It must be seen, heard and felt. Otherwise, we embolden the next set of killers.

    4.Government Assistance to Victims and Survivors

    The dead must not be buried with the silence of the state. Survivors
    must not be left to wander with grief as their only companion. The
    government must offer immediate and sustained relief, medical
    care, shelter, financial assistance, food, clothes, relocation support
    and psychosocial services. Compassion must walk hand in hand with
    justice. Not as charity, but as a right.

    5.Tackling the Root Causes: Annexation and Occupation by the Fulani
    Herders; Poverty, Unemployment and Illiteracy

    Peace is not built on military boots alone. It is built on dignity of the
    human person; opportunity and hope. The structural causes of this
    continuous violence must be tackled. First, the government must
    extirpate this sense of irredentist annexation and occupation of the
    land of the Natives all over Nigeria by fully armed Fulani herders. The
    grinding poverty, monumental unemployment and educational
    exclusion must be confronted and dealt with boldly.

    Page 13 of 13

    These are not background issues; they are the fuel that ignite the crises. A country that fails to invest in its people will eventually have to bury them.

    6.Inclusive Dialogue with Traditional Rulers and Community Leaders

    Security is not the exclusive preserve of the State. It must be co-owned by the people. Traditional rulers, faith-based leaders, youth groups and local stakeholders must be at the table, not as spectators but as partners. Their voices carry legitimacy and their cooperation
    carries weight. The road to peace must pass through the hearts of the people who live there.
    Nigeria must abandon the lie that some lives are worth more than others.
    Whether in Lagos or Yelwata, the right to life is not negotiable.
    Justice must rise. Not as a whisper but as a national roar. For each charred
    body in Yelwata cries out; not for pity, but for prosecution. Not for platitudes,
    but for policy. Not for remembrance, but for reform. Let the government stop
    sermonizing and start securing. Let the Presidency remember that it was
    elected to protect, not to pontificate. And let the nation rise to say: enough.
    Not one more grave before we act. Not one more child buried before we move.

    IF NOT NOW, WHEN?

    I have decried this nightmare too many times. My voice is now hoarse from
    screaming into the void. And if I, one far removed from; a mere citizen and a
    conscience with pen and protest feel this ravaged, this worn, then what must
    be the state of mind of the grieving people of Yelwata, of Benue? What must it be to live in constant dread, to bury child after child, to rebuild only for fire to
    raze it again?

    Page 14 of 14

    The people of Benue State deserve better. They deserve a government that
    does not look away, a system that does not delay and a nation that does not
    devalue their suffering. The Yelwata massacre was not just a tragic event. It
    was an indictment.

    A blistering exposure of governance gone cold and a security architecture collapsed under the weight of its own rot. It laid bare the
    double standards that govern Nigerian responses to violence: swifter when it
    affects the elite and sluggish, if not silent, when it happens in the farmlands of the forgotten.

    This was not just a failure of one government. It was the betrayal of
    institutions. A brutal failure by Governor Hyacinth Alia, who watched from
    within the state without uttering a word while the ashes of his constituents
    cooled. A glaring failure by the Tinubu administration, that merely sent
    condolences before justice and optics before concrete action. A catastrophic
    failure by the Nigerian state itself, whose primary constitutional duty, to
    protect life and property, was abandoned the moment the first gunshots rang
    out in Yelwata.

    This massacre cannot be allowed to happen again. Not under any guise. Not
    cloaked in politics. Not silenced by power. Not dulled by time.
    We end not in quiet despair, but in thunderous resolve. This grief will not make us mute.

    This pain will not make us passive. The dead of Yelwata are not numbers to scroll past—they are names, families, futures. They are stories etched into our conscience. And so we write and will monitor the implementation of our recommendations.

    We will not stop until the soil of Yelwata no longer tastes of blood, but of justice. Until the lives lost become the spark for national reckoning. Until silence is replaced by outrage and condolences give way to action.

    Benue State Bola Ahmed Tinubu Government Horror Hyacinth Alia Mike Ozekhome SAN Niger Terrorism Yelewata killings
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